-
Pages
-
Categories
-
Archives
Blogroll
-
RSS Feeds
-
Meta
Monthly Archives: April 2011
The Editors – France, Again
Following French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s initial and semi-disastrous decisions to support the Egyptian and Tunisian governments against their democratic rebels, Sarkozy has recently embraced a new form of French diplomacy: supporting revolutionaries. Most notably, Sarkozy’s decision to close Libya’s embassy in France and open on reserved for the Opposition Government and Rebels has drawn international attention as a refreshingly humanitarian and ideologically sound action on the part of the French. This has buoyed the popularity of the French president, too often referred to as President Bling-Bling by his vast legion of detractors. There is nothing new in the New Sarkozy, though, just as there is nothing new in the New France.
From the establishment of the French Empire in 1804 and its dismantlement at the hands of the Sixth Coalition in 1814, France has lived up to its imperial ambitions in matters both military and diplomatic. Although this hunger for empire and influence in fact had predated the French Empire with the ambitions of the revolutionary leaders of the French Republic and earlier kinds, never before had there been a gathering of political power in Paris than in the era of the Napoleonic Empire.
It had in its possession dozens of small client states throughout Europe with whom it could maintain trade and military pacts while it continued to retain an intercontinental colonial empire which provided the Mother country with luxuries at low prices. All nations within the French orbit, whether they be allies, protectorates, mandates or simply leery friends, the French would follow a pattern that has suddenly thrust itself back into our own age.
All the way up through the 1950’s and the presidency of Charles de Gaul, this dream of empire and the greater “Francosphere” had been artfully executed by endorsing groups of rebels and political revolutionaries, especially during the era of the Empire. More than half of the Confederation of the Rhine – a group of puppet states under Napoleon’s control where western Germany stands today – had come into being due to political revolutionaries who owed their victory to the French; and across Italy, the Italian Republic, followed by the Italian Kingdom, owed both of their existences to France’s interference, the first to the French Republic, the second to the French Empire. Most famously, the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, a protectorate in modern-day Poland, saw Napoleon and the French as liberators, and became his greatest ally during the invasion of, and the retreat from, Russia.
The French have never truly let go of their dream of le Monde Francais,with parades – more than one of which the American Word editors have enjoyed personally – every summer on Bastille Day, with Legionnaires and troops from across the French-speaking world pouring across Les Invalides to the tumultuous cry of “Vive la France!” When we observe the actions of Sarkozy and this new form of French Diplomacy acknowledging the Opposition Government and Rebels of Libya and North Africa, there is not a doubt that this ‘humanitarian’ diplomacy is a self-serving, centuries-old imperial inclination. It is deeper than the surface, but in its depths lay ancient ambitions.
Randall Bloom – Poem (“The Night Before”)
The night before
The war began,
We began
With nothing else.
We began as
An open hand,
Like an open book,
Beginning, for example, with
The letter A:
An arrowhead, and
The letter I: watching
The sky,
Thinking the thoughts
Of the first man alive.
The Editors – Follow the Money
Public education is failing in Los Angeles. The stories are legion, the statistics are glum, and a lot of money is already spent on a system that should be doing a lot better for the students and families of this city.
Few large American cities – and in fact few medium-sized or small American cities – are doing much better. In New York City, one former schools Chancellor recalls getting a call from a famous billionaire who told him that he and a group of similar plutocrats had decided to put on the table whatever it would take to fix the schools. “This is historic. We’re willing to put a billion dollars into this. Nothing can resist the force of a billion dollars.”
Well, not really. The punchline of this story is that the New York City public school system was already spending over twenty billion dollars on just doing what it usually does, that very year. Five percent more would make little difference.
What we wonder about is where the big red “RE-SET” button is. Where do we sign up to start the whole system over?
That’s a big part of the magic of the charter school movement, a movement that is so clearly slowing down as it gets bigger and older. It’s losing its tremendous value as a small and fragmented – but real – form of resetting the system one school at a time.
There’s got to be a better way. Not to start where we are and make a change on the margins – even a billion-dollar change – but a way to take out a clean sheet of paper to start over. It’s clearly time.
Randall Bloom – Poem (“If When I See It I Know It”)
If when I see it I know it then
I’ll know that I’m far from home
because the sights here and the things
we never see leave me always wanting
more. I mean, desire for change, really,
is a wanting more than what we want just
for one, two,
three of us, but for all of us and actually
not just us but them too, should there really be
a them, a line across the way, a line we cross when
we become something else,
or far from home
The Editors – Spending and Consent
We note the budget compromise in Washington today without pleasure and without much regard for the work and the workers behind it. It is far better than what might have happened, but that is a low standard for a nation that has done so much better, so many times.
Not spending what we do not have is wise. Making a transition to that footing carefully and with regard for the experience of the people who will be hurt by it is morally necessary, to say nothing of the need to keep an eye on the consent of the governed, as the Declaration of Independence demands.
And we ask for some reflection on that word, “governed.” The just powers of the American government derive, we have read, not from the consent of Congress, or even the consent of the voters, but from the consent of the governed. (Please look it up if you do not have the Declaration clearly in mind).
Who are the governed? The rich, the poor, and the rest of us. The long-descended Americans. The illegals. The children. The tax-payers. The homeless. The workers and the idlers. The thinkers and the thoughtless. All of us. All of them. What we and they all think and feel matters.



